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| Trump and Clinton: National versus Global Perspectives
One aspect of the conventional wisdom is to say that Clinton has experience that shows she can get things done. In contrast, Trump is almost proud of his lack of experience, and the prospect of his twisting Congressional arms to reach a compromise in support of his policy initiatives seems like what in American football talk is called 'a hail Mary.' Yet reflecting on this prospect the contrast may not be so clear. After all Clinton as president will almost certainly face a Republican dominated Congress determined to nullify her presidency by all means at its disposal. Trump as winner, which at present remains an improbable outcome, would enjoy a tactically sympathetic Congress controlled by Republicans, who despite themselves being sharply divided, would probably join with centrist Democrats to be more legislatively effective than a Clinton presidency. What is most deeply worrisome about the Trump candidacy, win or lose, is the degree to which it has empowered a hitherto relatively dormant proto-fascist underclass, which for its own reasons of alienation had long been boycotting mainstream politics (at least since Reagan), although gradually building a populist base during the last decade via the extremist Tea Party. Trump now has a movement at its disposal that can create havoc either as the mobilized base of an extremist leadership or as the militant vortex of a disruptive opposition that could pose a threat to the future of the republic, especially if mega-terrorist incidents on a 9/11 scale were to happen in the West, and especially within the United States, or economic hard times occur. To the extent I equivocated earlier in this electoral cycle, it was to consider seriously giving my vote to the Green Party candidate, Jill Stein. I think third party candidates have every right to seek as widespread support as they can gain, and that existing rules restricting their participation in national debates should be relaxed to allow their voices to be heard nationally. This would make such political alternative more competitive with the big money machines that the two major parties have become, and create a live possibility of candidates whose program and character can be affirmed, freeing persons like myself from the demoralizing dilemma of voting for the lesser of evils. If American democracy is going to be strengthened it must begin to give the citizenry political alternatives that resonate with our 'better angels.' I admit voting for Ralph Nader back in 2000 when it seems that Nader's votes in Florida swung the election to George W. Bush with some help from the Supreme Court. Few strangely cast blame on the 300,000 or so Democrats who voted for Bush in Florida, and were hence a much larger factor in explaining the outcome. Liberal are scornful of those who voted for Nader, while giving a pass to theirmore wayward fellow Democrats, perhaps forgiven because they didn't 'waste' their vote. |
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Donald Trump's adviser on Israel said on Wednesday that Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank were not illegal and he believed the Republican candidate agreed with him, putting them at odds with much of the world. Following a pro-Trump rally at Jerusalem's Mount Zion, David Friedman also said the US presidential candidate was "tremendously [...]
US Republican presidential nominee, Donald Trump, on Sunday told Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, that if elected, the United States would recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, marking a potential dramatic shift in US policy. During the meeting that lasted more than an hour at Trump Towers in New York, Trump told Netanyahu that [...]
By Richard Falk When it comes to foreign policy, it seems at first glance to be a no brainer. Hilary Clinton is experienced, knowledgeable, intelligent, an internationalist, known and respected around the world. In contrast, Donald Trump repeatedly shoots himself in the foot and others elsewhere, seems clueless on the complexities of the world, makes [...]
By Jonathan Cook - Nazareth The grubby underside of US electoral politics is on show once again as the Democratic and Republican candidates prepare to fight it out for the presidency. And it doesn't get seamier than the battle to prove how loyal each candidate is to Israel. New depths are likely to be plumbed [...] By Ralph Nader It is well known to Washington political observers that politicians invited to speak at the annual, giant AIPAC convention ask for suggested talking points from this powerful pro-Israeli government lobby. Hillary Clinton's pandering speech must have registered close to 100% on AIPAC's checklist. Of course, both parties pander to AIPAC to such [...]
By Steve Breyman What is it about some radicals' (including this one's) problem with the inevitable, the predictable? Given our accurate worldview-the world is run for the rich and powerful, by the rich and powerful-we ought not be perturbed when the rich and powerful do what's in their perceived interest. Is it because the expected [...] |
| The Italian Left and Palestine: It's Now or Never
Trying to retrace Italy's position on Palestine means, in some ways, following the same painful history that has marked the emptying of the Italian left, the abandonment of the values which characterized it and made it great, the missing of both our goals and benchmarks. The same subservience that characterizes the action of the left on all fields also is also reflected in its foreign policies: nobody takes a clear stand and everything seems to be surrounded by a certain degree of ideological confusion as to the cornerstones that should guide our choices. For many years, the Italian left has been an important point of reference for the Palestinian liberation movement, but even in this specific field we weren't able to come through neo-liberalism and Islamophobic rhetoric following 9/11 unscathed. Pressed on all fronts, we have given way to the prevailing narrative of the enemy, adopting its conceptual categories. During Israel's military operations in the Gaza Strip, part of the left tried to speak out, but even in this case, it was not done in reference to a solid it theoretical foundation, necessary in order to avoid the empty rhetoric of a purely humanitarian interest, focusing solely on brutality and on inaccurate death tolls, and not bringing attention to the very root of the problems. The Palestinian resistance movement is a broader liberation struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, and for this reason it is still essential in order to decipher the Middle East Region; it is fundamental for a left-wing a party or a movement to consider this perspective. In recent months, there has been a fervent debate about the future of the left in Italy, and about the possibility of creating a new entity, able to represent a viable alternative to the complete dismantling of the values that have shaped our history and our noble tradition. As an activist, I am convinced that this new movement cannot remain silent in the face of what's happening in Palestine and, more generally, in the Middle East. Again, the gap that separates us from Matteo Renzi's policies seems unbridgeable: the statements of our Premier at the Knesset were incisive and clear; they showed a well-defined path, the same Italy has already undertaken during the last decades. He moved the issue of the right to resistance from the side of the powerful (the State of Israel) and declared the Italian willingness to stand by Israel's side in this challenge; after that, the reference to the "two-State solution" reiterated with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas the next day in Bethlehem sounded even more empty and purely rhetorical. And now history is repeating itself, with Renzi's inaccurate and nonsensical comments on UNESCO resolution. Building a left-wing movement which is not subservient towards the dominant perspective on history is a true challenge: and I believe that the discussion should be frank and open, in all the fields and in particular as regards the Palestinian question. In my opinion, the left-wing movement to be built should get rid of some taboos and reconsider its choices in the framework of a clear theoretical apparatus, in order to develop an independent way of thinking and trace a new direction. For example, we cannot consider the BDS as a taboo: Matteo Renzi branded it as "sterile and stupid"; at the very best, it is presented as a measure that hinders the building of bridges for freedom and co-existence, as stated by the popular writer JK Rowling. Such a stance clearly does not take into account the context of apartheid in which the Palestinian people live and also, it denies the right to a form of non-violent resistance, which was internationally supported in South Africa. Another taboo we should get rid of is the uncritical condemnation to all forms of violence, which often leads to a short-sighted reading of the facts, without the filter of the lens of a people's right to resistance. Italy, as we know it, was born out of Resistance; we should be proud of our history and express full solidarity with all people struggling to free themselves from the grip of occupation. Even in condemning radicalism and extremism, we cannot neglect to consider the internal and external factors that ultimately determine them, or we will succumb to simplistic and Manichaean judgments. [...] |
| | | Palestinian rights protest in New York. (Photo: Nicole Hanhan, file) |
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