Wednesday, April 12, 2017

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EDITORIAL

Palestine Retold: Palestine's Tragic Anniversaries Are Not Only about Remembrance


For Palestinians, 2017 is a year of significant anniversaries.
While historians mark May 15th as the anniversary of the date on which Palestinians were expelled from their historic homeland in 1948, the fact is the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians began in earnest in 1947.
In strict historical terms 1947 and '48 were the years in which Palestine was conquered and depopulated.
The tragedy, which remains a bleeding wound until this day, started 70 years ago.
June of this year also marks the 50th anniversary of the Israeli military occupation of the 22 percent of historic Palestine that was not seized by Zionist militias in 1947-48. Among other notable dates, November 02 is starkly remembered as the 100-year anniversary of the Balfour Declaration.
While the roots of the Zionist campaign to claim Palestine as a Jewish state go back much earlier, the document signed by British Foreign Secretary, Arthur James Balfour, was the first official commitment made by a major world power to facilitate "a national home for the Jewish people."
The British made their infamous 'promise' even before the Ottoman Empire, which controlled Palestine and most of the modern Middle East officially capitulated in World War I.
A few years after the declaration was made, Britain was entrusted by the League of Nations in 1922 to be the caretaker of post-Ottoman Palestine, mandated to lead the country, like other Arab regions, towards independence.
Instead, the Brits worked to achieve the opposite. Between 1922 and 1947-48, with direct British assistance, Zionists grew more powerful, forming a parallel government and a sophisticated and well-equipped militia. Britain remained decidedly pro-Israel after all these years.
When the British mandate over Palestine officially ended in November 1947, that parallel regime simply moved in to fill the vacant space, in nearly perfect tandem, claiming territories, ethnically cleansing most of Palestine's Arab population and, as of May 14, 1948, declaring as a reality the State of Israel.
The following day, May 15, has since been recognized by Palestinians as the day of the Nakba, or the catastrophe of war and exile. Nearly 500 Palestinian villages and many cities and towns were depopulated, seized or destroyed. An estimated 800,000 Palestinians were made refugees.
These anniversaries are important not because they form convenient numbers, but because the political context surrounding them is unprecedented.
The United States government has abdicated its long-term commitment to the so-called 'peace process', leaving Israel alone to decide the course of its own action, while the rest of the international community stand hapless.
The 'peace process' was certainly not designed to create favorable outcomes for Palestinians, but was part of a larger design to formulate a 'solution' in which Palestinians were to be granted semi-autonomous, disconnected, mini regions to be called a state.
Now that pipedream is over - Israel is expanding its illegal settlements at will, constructing new ones and has little interest in adhering to even the US-envisaged 'negotiated agreement' paradigm.
In the meanwhile, the Palestinian leadership remains visionless.
Although politically defunct and practically impossible, the Palestinian Authority (PA) still insists on the two-state solution formula, wasting precious time that should be geared towards arranging a future that is predicated upon co-existence in a shared land and a joint future.
It is important that the Palestinians are freed from the stifling discourse which rendered the Nakba of 1947-48 extraneous and molded an alternative narrative in which only the Israeli occupation of 1967 seems to matter.
Indeed, the official Palestinian discourse has been quite confusing and consistent for some time.
Historically, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was forced to concede under American, and sometimes Arab pressures, and alter its demands throughout the years.
The greatest of these concessions was made in 1993 when the PLO agreed to the Oslo Accords, which redefined Palestinian rights around specific UN resolutions 242 and 338. It relegated or discarded everything else.
Not only was this a great folly, but also a strategic mistake for which Palestinians continue to bear the consequences to this day.
Existing now are several Palestinian depictions of the history of their struggle against Israel, while the truth is that there can only be one way of understanding the so-called conflict - one that starts with Zionist settlements in Palestine and British colonialism 100 years ago.
The strange thing is that PA President Mahmoud Abbas is himself sending mixed messages. While on one hand he seemed disinterested in contextualizing the struggle of his people back to the Nakba 70 years ago, his authority announced that it will be suing Britain for the Balfour Declaration of 1917.
Britain, on the other hand, had brazenly announced that it will be 'celebrating' the 100-year anniversary of the declaration, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu being the guest of honor.
The country that facilitated the ongoing tragedy in Palestine still refuses to acknowledge the enduring harm it committed one hundred years later.
Israel is experiencing no moral awakening either.
Aside from the small school of Israel's 'new historians', Israel continues to hold into its own version of history, much of which was constructed in the early 1950s under the guidance of then Israeli Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion.
Compelled by pressures, fears and lack of vision, the Palestinian leadership failed to grasp the need to hold onto and explain these anniversaries combined as a roadmap towards a solid, unified and sensible discourse.
Politics aside, the Balfour Declaration of 1917 cannot be appreciated without understanding its dreadful consequences which played out in 1947-48; and the Israeli occupation of the remaining 22 percent of Palestine is entirely out of context if read separately from the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948.
Moreover, the Palestinian refugee crisis, which continues to manifest itself in Syria and Iraq until this day, cannot be fathomed or explained without examining the origins of the crisis, which date back to the Nakba.
True, 2017 is burdened with significant and tragic anniversaries, but these dates should not be used as opportunities to protest, registering only a fleeting movement of solidarity. They should offer the chance to re-articulate a unified Palestinian discourse that crosses ideological and political lines.
Without honest understanding of history, one cannot redeem its many sins.
- Dr. Ramzy Baroud has been writing about the Middle East for over 20 years. He is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an author of several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. His books include "Searching Jenin", "The Second Palestinian Intifada" and his latest "My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story". His website is www.ramzybaroud.net.

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COMMENTARY

Trump's Gambit: Sacrificing a Fascist for Establishment Approval and Israeli Propaganda


Since his election as the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump has been fighting multiple fronts: "Russiagate" has persistently remained on the mainstream agenda, the media has been highly critical of his cabinet appointments, a spike in xenophobic and anti-Semitic incidents in the U.S. has been attributed to his associations with the "alt-right", and after his failed attempt at repealing Obamacare members of his own party have been on the attack, smelling blood. With record low approval ratings in recent polls, Donald Trump has been in desperate need of a miracle.
On April 4th, residents of the rebel-held city Khan Sheikhoun in Idlib province, Syria were attacked with chemical weapons. Trump quickly seized on this Syrian catastrophe as an opportunity.
Prior to any kind of formal investigation, The White House determined that the Assad regime was responsible for the attack, with Trump flip-flopping on a statement made less than a week beforehand by his Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley who stated that Assad's removal was "no longer a priority".
On April 5th Trump removed Stephen Bannon from the National Security Council (NSC). Bannon championed Trump's "America First" doctrine and was opposed to military action in Syria. Further, the move appeased the liberal establishment that was critical of Bannon's fascistic "alt-right" and White supremacist associations.
Thus, after neutralizing opposition from within (Steve Bannon) and instilling the appropriate local propaganda (Sean Spicer), a strike on Syria would align Trump with establishment conservatives and neoliberals, as well as the corporate media.
Trump's gambit worked.
On April 6thto quote CNN's political pundit Fareed Zakaria, "Trump became President" when he bombed Syria. Indeed, Trump was immediately embraced by an adoring and uncritical American media (also here), as well as by a bipartisan political establishment.
But what did Syria's immediate neighbor and America's closest ally in the Middle East - Israel - think of a strike so close to home? Israeli support is fundamental to the survival, success and popularity of American Presidents, and Trump knows this well.
Israeli Consensus
Trump's courtship of Israel has been ongoing.
It fully took off at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) conference in March, 2016. Since, Donald Trump has proven his loyalty to right-wing Zionists by supporting the expansion of Israeli settlements and the annexation of parts of the West Bankprioritizing the controversial move of the American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, announcing the death of the two-state solution during Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to the White House and appointing his bankruptcy lawyer David Friedman as ambassador to Israel. Only recently, Nikki Haley received a "rockstar welcome" at the annual 2017 AIPAC meeting when she promised to treat what the Israeli government and its allies view as an inherent bias against Israel at the UN.
Trump's April 6th strike on Assad forces was yet another advance in his longstanding bromance with Netanyahu.
In Israel the strikes were met with resounding approval and even applause; nothing reassures Israelis more than an American show of force in the "rough neighborhood of the Middle East". The last time a bombing was met with such glee in Israel was during Operation Protective Edge in 2014, when residents of Sderot gathered on hilltops opposite Gaza to watch its bombardment by the Israeli Defense Force (IDF).
Israeli Propaganda
"Wall to wall support in Israel for US attack on Syria" claimed Gil Hoffman of the Jerusalem Post in a recent piece that laid out a seemingly rare case of political agreement in Israel, whereby Netanyahu's government coalition and its opposition were unanimous in their support of Donald Trump's decision to bomb Assad's army. From Zehava Gal-On (Meretz), Isaac Herzog (Zionist Union) and Tzipi Livni (Zionist Union) to Oren Hazan (Likud), Tzipi Hotovely (Likud) and Moti Yogev (Bayit Yehudi) the Israeli political spectrum was presented as lock, stock and barrel behind Donald Trump.
But does such a consensus really exist throughout the entirety of the Israeli political spectrum?
A closer look at the article reveals that by "wall to wall support" the right-wing Jerusalem Post only considered Zionist parties, while completely ignoring the Arab Joint List, no small party at 13 mandates making it the third largest in the Israeli Knesset.
In fact, the Joint List was unanimous in its disapproval of the American bombing, but could not agree on a condemnation of Assad as responsible for the chemical weapons attack. Although Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman was "100% sure" the attack was perpetuated by Assad's forces, members of the Joint List remained unconvinced, siding with Assad's regime over his opposition or claiming that regardless of the perpetrators, American intervention is counterproductive as is all other foreign intervention, including Russian.
In contrast to the uniform Zionist support for Trump, the subtleties of opinion and disagreements within the Joint List faithfully echo the long-lasting and ongoing worldwide debate over the war in Syria. Thus, the omission of The Joint List from the Jerusalem Post's pro-Trump propaganda piece was clearly not an oversight, but meant to convey unanimous Israeli support for Trump's aggressive tactics, while disregarding those who do not serve the expansionist Zionist objectives. After all, Assad represents a united Syria to which the occupied Golan Heights can theoretically be returned as a condition for peace. Further, Assad serves as a key ally of Israel's mortal enemy Iran and a channel from which the Lebanese Shiite militia Hezbollah receives weapons from its Iranian benefactors.
Clearly, Trump's gambit worked. For the price of 59 Tomahawk missiles, he managed to align himself with the DC establishment, recapture corporate media, distance himself from the controversial and fascistic Bannon and as an added bonus, increase his popularity among American Jews and Israelis. His move threw egg in the face at those who underestimated his prowess and opportunism.
- Yoav Litvin is a doctor of psychology/behavioral neuroscience, a documentary photographer and writer living in New York City. He contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com. 

REPORT

Remembering the 69th Anniversary of the 'Heartbreaking' Deir Yassin Massacre


The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) marked on Sunday the 69th anniversary of the Deir Yassin massacre, when at least 100 Palestinians were killed by Zionist militias in the Jerusalem-area village of Deir Yassin in 1948.
PLO Executive Committee member Hanan Ashrawi mourned the "heartbreaking tragedy" in which "more than one hundred innocent men, women and children ... were brutally murdered by armed members of Zionist terrorist organizations."
Deir Yassin has long been a symbol of Israeli violence for Palestinians because of the particularly gruesome nature of the slaughter, which targeted men, women, children, and the elderly in the small village west of Jerusalem.
The number of victims is generally believed to be around 107, though figures given at the time reached up to 254, out of a village that numbered around 600 at the time.
The massacre left more than 50 young children orphaned, Ashrawi noted, adding that the deadly attack was part of a broader plan in 1948 to expel Palestinians from their homes "with the deliberate intent of establishing the State of Israel on Palestinian soil."
"After sixty-nine years, the Deir Yassin massacre still remains an important reminder of Israel's systematic measures of displacement, destruction, dispossession, and dehumanization," Ashrawi said. "The calculated efforts by Israel to completely erase the history, narrative and physical presence of the Palestinian people will not be ignored or forgotten. It is time for Israel's lethal impunity to come to an end."
"We urge all members of the international community to hold Israel to account immediately, to curb its ongoing violations against the Palestinians, and to support our nonviolent and diplomatic efforts to seek justice and protection in all international legal venues," she added.
The Deir Yassin massacre was led by the Irgun militia, whose head was future Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin, with support from other paramilitary groups Haganah and Lehi whose primary aim was to push Palestinians out through force.
Records of the massacre describe Palestinian homes blown up with residents inside, and families shot down as they attempted to flee.
The massacre came in spite of Deir Yassin resident's efforts to maintain positive relations with new Jewish neighbors, including the signing of pact that was approved by Haganah, a main Zionist paramilitary organization during the British Mandate of Palestine.
The massacre was one of the first in what would become a long line of attacks on countless Palestinian villages, part of a broader strategy called Plan Dalet by Zionist groups aiming to strike fear into local Palestinians in hopes that the ensuing terror would lead to an Arab exodus, to ensure only Jews were left in what would become modern-day Israel.
The attack on Deir Yassin took place a month before the UN Partition Plan was expected to be carried out, and was part of reasons later given by neighboring Arab states for their intervention in Palestine.
The combination of forced expulsion and flight that the massacres - what would later become known among Palestinians as the Nakba, or catastrophe - led around 750,000 Palestinians to become refugees abroad. Today their descendants number more than five million, and their right of return remains a central political demand.
The anniversary of the deadly razing of the village comes as modern day Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank continue to face widespread illegal settlement expansion, home demolitions, detention campaigns, and extrajudicial executions at the hands of Israeli forces.
(Ma'an, PC, Social Media)

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