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Also, producing the Guardian's independent, in-depth journalism takes time and money. We do it because we believe our perspective matters, and it may be your perspective, too. If you value our Brexit coverage, please become a Guardian Supporter. Thank you. The top stories The government almost made up its mind up on what it wants from Brexit, which unfortunately is not what the EU is offering, Labour – perhaps significantly – came out in favour of staying in the customs union and there was (surprise, surprise) confusion over how long the transition might last. Chequers checkmate: The Brexit war cabinet's away-day to Chequers agreed on a target of "ambitious managed divergence" from EU regulations. Also known as the "three baskets" model, this would see the UK in regulatory alignment with the EU in some sectors while finding different ways to achieve the same outcomes in other areas and diverging in time from the EU to go its own way in a third category. The EU ruled it out before it was even agreed and was scathing about it afterwards. The European council president, Donald Tusk, said the approach was based on "pure illusion", adding: "It looks like the cake [and eat it] philosophy is still alive." Custom Corbyn: Curtain-raised by the shadow Brexit secretary, Keir Starmer, at the weekend, Labour's potentially significant policy shift was fleshed out by Jeremy Corbyn, who confirmed the party wanted "a new, comprehensive UK-EU customs union" after Brexit – putting clear water between his party and the Conservatives. This would stop Britain signing its own trade deals, he said, but the UK would insist on being involved in EU-wide negotiations with third countries. He also said Labour backed a "strong relationship with the single market" with "protections, clarification or exemptions" around nationalisation and state aid, and would end free movement but without "bogus immigration targets". The speech won plaudits from business and the idea, as Dan Roberts argues, might just fly. Above all, if Labour backs a Tory rebel amendment to the government's trade bill demanding the UK stay in a customs union Theresa May faces a heavy parliamentary defeat. Transition tantrums: There was brief excitement when a draft UK position paper suggested the length of the transition period should "be determined simply by how long it will take" to get the necessary new processes and systems up and running. After howls of betrayal from hard Brexiters (Jacob Rees-Mogg called an open-ended transition "a perversion of democracy"), the government later clarified an end date would feature in the final article 50 agreement. Best of the rest Top comment In the Guardian, Matthew d'Ancona says embracing soft Brexit would be risky for Jeremy Corbyn, but by aligning with Tory remainers in a Commons rebellion over the customs union Labour could pave the way to power: What are Corbyn's options? He can hold tight and wait for this jerry-rigged government to collapse under the weight of its own contradictions. Or he can strike. The first option is proving risky, as May's lonely talent appears to be a capacity to turn her party's confusion and indecision to her advantage ... She leads by procrastination. She insists upon inaction. The alternative for the Labour leader is to force the pace, and to do so in parliament. In 1992-93, John Smith paved the way for Tony Blair's victory by tactical alignment over the Maastricht treaty with the Tory Eurosceptic "bastards" – a Commons rebellion that did terrible damage to John Major's authority. A quarter of a century later, Corbyn has a comparable opportunity to make common cause with the Tory remainers. His new position on the customs union is meant to light the fuse that leads – however circuitously – to a confidence vote in the PM and another general election. In the Observer, Andrew Rawnsley tackles the same topic, arguing that May's away-day was a sideshow: the big Brexit crunch will be in parliament – particularly now Corbyn seems to be on board with a customs union: The Tory whips have done the maths and they don't like the result. To swerve an imminent vote, the report stages of the trade and customs legislation have been kicked back until after Easter. The thinking must be that this gives the Tory whips additional time to try to beg and bludgeon potential rebels to fall into line. There is even talk that the government is running so scared that it will seek to delay the critical votes until after the local council elections in May. But there is no certainty that the landscape will look more promising for the prime minister by then ... If the Conservatives are smashed in the coming elections, it will only strengthen the pro-European Tories. So forget Chequers. The big Brexit crunch is going to be in parliament. Top tweet: Not for the first time, David Allen Green sums it up: | 
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All present and accounted for: Theresa May's Brexit war cabinet all ready to get stuck in at Chequers. Photograph: Handout/Getty Images 
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